So, I’m catching up with all a y’all guys and will do this in a stream-of-consciousness type of a way until I do.
Nevertheless, the magical Kuznets curve theory was formulated in large part for the wrong reasons, and its empirical underpinnings were extremely fragile. The sharp reduction in income inequality that we observe in almost all the rich countries between 1914 and 1945 was due above all to the world wars and the violent economic and political shocks they entailed (especially for people with large fortunes). It had little to do with the tranquil process of intersectional mobility described by Kuznets.
…especially for people with large fortunes…
Inequality is not necessarily bad in itself: they key question is to decide whether it is justified, whether there are reasons for it.
This strikes me as a rather banal and confusing formulation of two conflated questions. Which I’m imagining is either purposeful to an important linking argument, as yet be furthered, or a deliberate misstep to again pacify and enchant a portion of his readership. Perhaps both.
The second conclusion, which is at the heart of the book, is that the dynamics of wealth distribution reveal powerful mechanisms pushing alternately toward convergence and divergence. Furthermore, there is no natural, spontaneous process to prevent destabilizing, inegalitarian forces from prevailing permanently.
‘mechanisms’, ‘forces’, ‘prevailing permanently’
ok ok, I like the cut of his jib but it’s a dry humour.
The French Revolution did not create a just or ideal society, but it did make it possible to observe the structure of wealth in unprecedented detail. The system established in the 1790s for recording wealth in land, buildings and financial assets was astonishingly modern and comprehensive for its time. The Revolution is the reason why French estate records are probably the richest in the world over the long run.
Revolutions. A record keepers dream come true. It strikes me that this means ‘records available to the public’ and perhaps hints at the possibility of studies performed internal to dynastic, perseverant wealth.
It also strikes me that two competing forces for the furtherance of specific forms of divergence exist. Or, perhaps more properly put, competing ‘mechanisms’ for the acquisition of a comprehensive and complicit divergence.
I have no interest in denouncing inequality or capitalism per se - especially since social inequalities are not in themselves a problem as long as they are justified, that is, “founded only upon common utility,” as article 1 of the 1789 Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen proclaims. (Although this definition of social justice is imprecise but seductive, it is rooted in history. Let us accept it for now. I will return to this point later on.)
My suspicions not really confirmed but he has my attention.