Well, earlier, @smulder posted a link to an essay about this: http://nitrosyncretic.com/pdfs/nature_of_fedsvc_1996.pdf
This contains yet more excerpts from the book than I posted earlier.
The evidence from the book is quite overwhelming, independently of what ideas Heinlein had later.
Anyway, at worst, we’ve got two different versions of Heinlein’s idea:
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Only people who go through military service get to vote. This military service might include military support jobs (i.e. being a cook on a warship) as well as pointless make-work with military discipline.
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Only people who go through civilan or military service get to vote. The civilian service is truly civilian - you have to serve the state in some civilian job, without being subjected to military discipline, bootcamp, or extra war propaganda.
Now, ignoring all the other, minor elements of the book that I consider “disgustingly militaristic and proto-fascist”, let’s consider the difference between #1 and #2.
I am aware of two fundamentally different arguments against restricting the franchise.
I couldn’t put the first argument better than this:
They will be at a disadvantage. As far as this argument is concerned, #1 and #2 are equivalent at first glance.
In Heinlein’s world, they are free to join up and serve. So the theory is that once the disadvantage exceeds the advantage of not having to go and die on a strange planet, people will simply join up, and things should level out, shouldn’t they?
Inequality does arise when service is not equally harsh for everyone. As a well-educated person, I’d get a cushy office job, while the plebs get sent to die. Or they exercise their freedom and not join up, and live with whatever laws we educated people deem right for them. In this way, alternative #2 might actually by worse than #1.
The second argument is that veterans will vote in a certain way. First, they are likely to vote in a way that preserves their position of power. Second, the prospect of military service selects a certain kind of people (whether this is good or bad depends on what you think of that kind of people). Third, war does strange things to the human psyche.
And fourth, the military and veterans are in charge of indoctrinating (or “educating”, if you prefer) recruits.
For this second argument, #1 and #2 are vastly different, because with #2 the selection of people who get to vote is not skewed as far away from the general population.
Personal note: We have mandatory conscription in Austria, but we get to choose the civilian alternative. About a third pick the civilian alternative. The largest group among those get to work as paramedics; I did a year helping out at a home for refugees run by a nonprofit. Whether people choose to go military or civilian correlates strongly with political opinions.
But even with #2, you’ve got an arbitrary elite who gets to decide on the education and selection of the next generation of the elite - something that inevitably leads to inequality.
Only people who have invested a significant part of their life in supporting & upholding the status quo get a say. Assume the state is doing something that is wrong - you’ll have to spend a few years actively supporting these wrong actions before you get a vote. Imagine - you only get to vote Trump out of office if you spend two years serving in his new Muslim-hunting brigades. Will you join and Do Your Part?
So what arguments would one need to make for restricting the franchise?
Modern democracies restrict the franchise for children (under 18 in most places, under 16 in Austria). To justify that, a two-step argument is made:
- Children’s decisions are less wise/reasonable/etc. than adults’ decisions
- Members of the electorate - most likely the parents - care a lot about the children’s well-being.
Therefore, the argument goes, you can deprive 10-year-olds of their right to vote without endangering the well-being of 10-year-olds in general.
Heinlein tries to make the argument that service veterans would make better decisions because they are in some way better human beings by having taken “responsibility”, having shown a readiness to contribute to society.
He fails to even attempt to make an argument why we can trust those people to care for the non-voters interests, especially given that in the book, they seem to look down on the civilians - after all, they fail to take responsibility.